Zohran Mamdani tapped into real frustration in New York. That doesn’t mean he can govern. 

Zohran Mamdani’s surprise victory in New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary is more than a political upset — it’s a statement. His grassroots campaign, fueled by democratic socialist ideals and a rejection of establishment politics, managed to topple a former governor and long-standing figure in Democratic circles. That alone says something powerful about the mood of voters right now. 

And while many in the country can come from a different side of the political spectrum, we can understand where that mood is coming from. 

Mamdani’s rise echoes other moments in recent American politics when frustration boiled over and the system got a shake. People who feel left behind — by the economy, by the political elite, by rising costs and shrinking opportunities — are looking for someone who doesn’t just listen, but actually sounds angry on their behalf. Mamdani did that. He spoke in absolutes, rejected compromise and promised sweeping change.  

That’s exactly what voters want to hear when they’ve lost faith in the status quo. 

It’s the same emotional current that helped fuel Donald Trump’s rise in 2016 and unexpected comeback in 2024 (albeit directed at different villains and packaged in a wildly different ideology). Trump promised “the forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.” Mamdani wants to dismantle what he sees as a rigged capitalist system. Both positioned themselves as outsiders. Both offered revolution instead of reform. And both found enthusiastic audiences among voters who feel they’ve been ignored for too long. 

There’s a reason some political theorists say the far left and far right can meet at the edges — not because they share beliefs, but because they tap into the same kind of discontent.  

But understanding why Mamdani won and believing he can govern are two very different things. 

New York City is not a blank canvas for experimentation. It’s a complex, economically interdependent metropolis — one that depends on capital, tourism and global credibility. Mamdani’s promises, for fare-free transit, expanded public housing, rent freezes and major tax hikes on the wealthy, may win applause in a primary, but they’re far harder to implement in the real world without triggering unintended consequences. The city’s problems are real, but slogans won’t fix them. 

That’s the dilemma for politicians. Being anti-establishment is a powerful stance — until you become the establishment. Then people want results. Stability. Safety. A balanced budget. The kind of incremental progress that rarely excites a crowd but actually keeps a city functioning. 

If Mamdani wins the general election, he’ll have to pivot from movement politics to municipal governance, fast. He’ll need to work not just with activists but with bureaucrats, business leaders and yes, even political opponents. That’s the hard part. It’s also the part many idealists underestimate. It is the reason he isn’t guaranteed victory in a general election and will face massive hurdles in governing. Saying “I don’t think that we should have billionaires” already puts the big money on the sideline for your biggest agenda items. 

Nevertheless, his victory is worth taking seriously — not because his platform is realistic in every detail, but because the energy behind it is real. Voters are angry. They feel ignored. And when they sense that no one in power is fighting for them, they’re willing to back bold, even extreme alternatives. 

That’s not just a warning for Democrats. It’s a warning for everyone in public life who thinks politics can go back to normal. Clearly, for a growing number of Americans, normal isn’t working. 

But rejecting the old ways is only half the job. The harder part is building something new — and making sure it actually works. Here's some unsolicited advice to Democrats: Maybe hold off on employing the Mamdani strategy on a national stage. It may not sell as well outside of New York City. 

Kurt Davis Jr is a millennium fellow at the Atlantic Council and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. He advises private, public and state-owned entities globally on strategic financial and transactional matters.